One number was listed for The New York Times in Afghanistan. Others monitored by the BND included Reuters offices in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Nigeria, as well as the BBC World Service in London, Der Spiegel reported.
So the company turned to one of its most trusted partners: the German supplier, Robert Bosch. Working from Volkswagen specifications, Bosch developed code that instructed computers in diesel engines to fully deploy pollution controls only when the cars were being tested in laboratories, according to lawsuits in the United States and Germany.
Bild retracted the article last week. No matter: The damage had been done, the fictitious tale having found many believers, either eager or fearful, among the German public.
The two children, both under 6, aren’t breaking any rules. They are taking part in a fire workshop designed by Kain Karawahn, an artist who, as part of a performance piece about freedom in 1987, once set a blaze at the Berlin Wall. No one was hurt.
That clash pops up in different ways, but it is fundamentally about what world the citizens of the West would rather live in. Call it a “Lennon world” versus a “Bannon world.” Neither is sustainable.
For decades, Germany was thought to be inoculated against far-right politics by its history with Naziism and the Holocaust. But today, Germany is experiencing a resurgence of the right — driven, at least in part, by its effort to overcome past misdeeds by suppressing any vestige of nationalism.
So Mr. Tillerson and his entourage of temporary State Department helpers took rooms at a rambling health clinic next to a public bathhouse in the picturesque town of Bad Neuenahr, more than 20 miles outside of the city — a bit like holing up in Beltsville, Md., for a conference in Washington, D.C.
Seven months before national elections in Germany, the prevailing wisdom has held that Ms. Merkel, now seeking a fourth four-year term as chancellor, is most vulnerable to the rising popularity of the country’s far right, just as other populist, far-right parties are gaining in coming elections in the Netherlands and France.
But he is still forbidden from publicly repeating most of the poem, which made provocative — and, his critics say, outrageous — insinuations about the sexuality, behavior and intelligence of Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
Germany’s head of state doesn’t have any executive power, but he is considered the guardian of the national narrative — and in this respect, Mr. Gauck leaves a big void. He is one of the few remaining public figures who link Germany’s tumultuous, dark 20th century to the present, reminding us of the good and evil our country is capable of — and the responsibility of choosing between them.